Finally, Johnson explains, the revivals allowed the wealthy of A shopkeepers millennium to come back together politically in the s. Originally, even their workers were not so very different from the employers; the workers were household dependents being trained in the same occupation, something like adolescent children.
They learned that only a changed heart, not submission to external control, could be expected to keep a man in line. The converts of the revival expected their experience to help usher in the millennium as they brought the good news to their fellow citizens and exhorted them to join in the project of spiritual reform.
These landowners built a home for themselves and their extended families -- very successfully -- yet within ten years, they were clearly losing control over it both politically and culturally, and perhaps economically as well. It was also most successful among middle-class men in certain lines of work.
I do not object to a social interpretation of the Second Great Awakening, but I do think that Johnson assumes too much basic unity and security in the middle class. Furthermore, they were furious with each other.
As Johnson acknowledges, they achieved considerable success in this. The revival instigated by Finney, a powerful rhetorician A shopkeepers millennium in law, healed the riven elite of Rochester.
What I suspect they saw was a new and rootless element in "their" community. Alcohol, which had been a general feature of sociability among all classes of men, became a symbol of working-class intractability. Nathaniel Rochester had begun the struggle by securing from the Bucktails the naming of his town as county seat, whose county buildings would be surrounded by his own property, and then a bank controlled by his family and friends, which Clintonians took over a year later.
At home, furthermore, the middle class lived in increasingly exclusive neighborhoods -- albeit neighborhoods abutting all the noise and filth of the working-class sections of town, causing growing unease in respectable society. Johnson reduces the difference between these parties to an "argument over means"; the Whigs were willing to use the state to enforce sobriety and economic discipline on the American people, and the Democrats were not.
They glared at each other in public places, and as a result, according to Johnson, "the life went out of Rochester Protestantism.
Although the revival affected the middle class almost exclusively, the next few years saw the revival spread to the workingmen as a result of a deliberate effort by the richer evangelicals. Unlike in the s, when it divided against itself on this question, the Rochester elite was now animated by singleminded religious zeal.
Apparently they limit you to 20, characters. The middle-class churches helped struggling working-class counterparts including a black church with financial problems, and they also established schools and a savings bank to teach workers how to live responsibly. However, Johnson notes that the modes of work were changing in the s.
Into this fractious city came the evangelist Charles Grandison Finney in Septemberinvited by a disappointed Sabbatarian merchant, Josiah Bissell. This party would challenge the Democratic Party, which was hostile to all kinds of moral regulations and which embraced populist rhetoric.
Johnson begins by tracing changes in the Rochester economy and in local society and politics in the s.
To explain, I shall have to write at length. They had embraced, Johnson suggests, an idea of bourgeois "domestic privacy. As for the manufacturers, they were indeed generally related to, or at least patronized by, the great landholders.
Johnson tells this complicated story well. Unlike landowners and manufacturers, they had little invested, either financially or emotionally, in the concrete and established. Citizens packed church buildings to the point of damaging them; different denominations cooperated with each other to evangelize the city; Rochesterians who recently had not been speaking to each other gathered for prayer and testimony.
Religion was a way either to claim the patronage of the middle class or, in same cases, to join it.
Relatively few upstarts or migrants gained entrance to the ranks of the wealthy, and these relied on patronage and on the forging of new family ties.In A Shopkeeper's Millennium, Paul Johnson argues that American revivalism in the early nineteenth century was a product of class conflict.
In the book, A Shopkeeper's Millennium, by Paul. E. Johnson, a closer look is taken at the society of Rochester and how it was affected by the revivals from to A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, by Paul E.
Johnson A quarter-century after its first publication, A Shopkeeper's Millennium remains a landmark work--brilliant both as a new interpretation of the intimate connections among politics, economy, and religion during the Second Great Awakening, and as.
A Shopkeeper's Millennium thesis: The Shopkeepers' Millennium is a case study based in the town of: Rochester, New York.
The author focuses on the town and its inhabitants through the lens of: Economy, Society, and Politics.
The author's thesis. Paul E. Johnson uses his book, A Shopkeeper’s Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York,to examine the causes of the Second Great Awakening from a Marxist perspective.
A Shopkeeper's Millennium thesis: A Shopekeeper's Millennium tells of the change for the shopkeepers that creates a middle class during the revival time in which the markers are religion.
The Shopkeepers' Millennium is a case study based in the town of.Download